Thanks to Kole Kilibarda for referring us to this excellent manifesto from the world of Anthropology scholarship. The list of demands towards the end are particularly important, as are the parting words: “Let the deep modification of the human sciences begin. Anthropologists have nothing to lose but our irrelevance.” Might not scholars of IR and IPE say the same for themselves?
It is high time that the Anthropologists openly set forth before the whole world their perspective, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this fairy tale about Capitalism with a Four-Field Manifesto. To this end, Anthropologists of the most diverse nationalities and subfields assemble on open threads like Academia and #OWS, informing the following Manifesto. Please read, share, and comment, joining our contentious anthropological tradition.
via Anthropology, Moral Optimism, and Capitalism: A Four-Field Manifesto.
Jason Read takes a light jab at David Graeber’s book, Debt, The First 5000 Years. Indeed, it would seem Graeber has a kind of Nietzschean/Deleuzian reading of debt as originating in a moral or normative field of equivalences, itself underwritten by the state.
Graeber gives more credit (I actually don’t know if I intended that pun or not) to a different account of money, primordial debt theory, which argues that money emerged from the taxes, from the state’s need to generate money. This theory begins with a fundamental asymmetry, not an equivalence, an asymmetry that is often founded on religion, on the sense of debt owed to the world.
What this habituated mentality of debt as having some sort of special sovereignty over other human relations ignores, however, is the “communism of everyday life”. Kind of like Hardt and Negri’s argument in Commonwealth, the point here is to draw attention to an ontology that denies the highly distributed (and social) nature of the way real value production takes place. What is interesting about Read’s argument though is the way he sets up Graeber’s narrative about the foundational fiction nature of debt as one that runs in parallel with another foundational fiction, that of primitive accumulation. Not that these narratives should be seen as competing strains (Read explicitly disavows a desire to counterpose anarchism and communism here), but rather that the simultaneous plausibility of both is in itself insufficient in our efforts to grasp what it is specifically about capitalism that inflects this particular moment in the historical drama of man’s relation with debt.
Capitalism is not a matter of thrift, waste, or greed, it is a matter of surplus value, labor power, and other real abstractions. Thus, communism may be the foundation of all sociability, but capitalism is often indifferent to the sociability, or, worse still, exploits it … As a topic of inquiry debt crosses back and forth from the economic to the moral, and thus it is tempting to locate its history in attitudes and ideas, but a true history of debt needs to also examine the structure that are indifferent to those ideas.
via Unemployed Negativity: I Owe You an Explanation: Graeber and Marx on Origin Stories.
Occupy Wall Street Considers a New Economy | Reuters.
But, even as the movement’s grievances are still being articulated, it has begun to move toward educating itself about alternatives to the current top-down, vertically organized market economy – one that has seen income inequality soar to rates unseen since the last Gilded Age and incomes of ordinary Americans – the 99 percent – stagnate or fall. (New figures show that 50 percent of Americans make less than $26,364, the lowest in real dollars since 1999.)
The 99 percent -ers have been taking back the political sphere by re-defining the relationship Americans have toward the political process, from passivity to participatory democracy. As David Graeber, one of the original organizers of OWS and author of the recent book, Debt, wrote on the blog Naked Capitalism:
It is almost impossible to convince the average American that a truly democratic society would be possible. One can only show them. But the experience of actually watching a group of a thousand, or two thousand, people making collective decisions without a leadership structure, let alone that of thousands of people in the streets linking arms to holding their ground against a phalanx of armored riot cops, motivated only by principle and solidarity, can change one’s most fundamental assumptions about what politics, or for that matter, human life, could actually be like.
The pressure is on now to co-opt OWS for the Democratic Party!
Obama plans to target Wall Street in campaign – The Washington Post.
At Occupy D.C., the McPherson Square encampment inspired by Occupy Wall Street, a shouting match erupted this week when a woman describing herself as a longtime Democratic campaign worker encouraged the young protesters to express their concerns by voting, only to be told that voting wasn’t enough.
Those contentious moments help illustrate the difficulty facing Democratic officials as they try to capitalize on the sudden emergence of liberal energy that is growing fast — but expanding largely separate and apart from traditional party institutions.
Hello everyone, and welcome to this new blog, where it is hoped that we can start some form of conversation about #occupyingirtheory.
We’ve had a lot of interesting discussion on the #occupyirtheory/ipe Facebook group over the last week or so, which as of today has 76 members! This will surely grow further in the coming weeks. So it is important now to start a meaningful conversation about what sort of constructive projects this sort of energy can be invested into. In case you haven’t been following the Facebook group postings to date, here is where we are:
- Journal of Critical Globalization Studies: Amin Samman and the JCGS editors have made a generous offer to provide a formal academic venue for several short critical pieces (2-3 pages each) on the #occupywallstreet phenomenon itself, as well as what it means for the study of world politics. They are terming this a “a special scholarly commentary forum”. JCGS is an online journal. The advantage here is that we’ll get to move quickly (it’ll be really cool to have this up and running by ISA). If you are interested in writing a 2-3 page fragment or comment for this commentary forum, would you please send me an email and let me know by, say, November 2? That way you’ll have about 3-4 weeks to write your comment and then we’ll have about 1-2 weeks to have some back and forth on them, edit them, or whatever seems most necessary.
- An open letter: something we could generate some consensus around, and all put our names to. What does it mean to actually #occupyir/ipe? As others have already suggested on the Facebook page, we have a discipline already quite occupied by an ontology that prohibits certain forms of discussion. Maybe we could come up with a statement that serve as a critique of the narrowness of our discipline, but also some sort of commitment to have a broader discussion in some sort of (critical?) solidarity with the movement?
- #OCCUPY-ISA: A couple of you wrote to suggest doing something at the upcoming ISA conference … its too late for something formal at ISA San Diego obviously, but something INFORMAL and OUTSIDE the traditional panel structure would be absolutely achievable. We can ask the organizers if they have some sort of space we can use…. or… we could just #occupy a space. Others have suggested the idea of making this an initiative across multiple conferences – a really fabulous idea.
- Pedagogy: This project recognizes our place as educators. Asli and Anna suggest something on the pedagogy side. Let me just quote from an email from Anna Agathangelou: “… it is crucial for us to reflect but also articulate the ways we teach and the ways this teaching itself becomes a revolutionary movement and may play a crucial role in embodying what I call a ‘truly global’ and ‘truly just’ world. How do we, in the space and place of the university and colleges, major sites of unequally developed political interventions, resistances, and repressions, understand these movements in a much larger trajectory with and beyond the narrowly punctuated Europe and US? How do connect more directly our own struggles (i.e., restructuring of the university around not having access to books and our own writings due to the legal regimes/copyright issues; health access; using all our resources to pay tuition etc etc; having contractual positions with no benefits etc) with how we articulate critical IR and IPE? … While all of us in different ways have been working to debunk violent paradigms such as neoliberalism, islamophobia, sexism, homophobia etc in our research and our classrooms and elsewhere, we see that these movements are disrupting many of these violent relations bit by bit. So, how do we understand these movements, take seriously our participation in them and how do we place ourselves in support of them?” I have received many strong expressions of support on Anna’s ideas here, so perhaps there is a possibility we could work on this angle? Some have suggested the idea of a textbook, perhaps along the lines of Edkins and Zehfuss. I actually use this textbook in my own classes and find it very effective – I’m thinking this idea could morph into something like a ‘users guide’ or strategy guide for students of IR and IPE, but focused on activism, micro-level interventions, counter-spectacular moments, etc.
So, that’s it for now folks. Obviously go ahead and use this site as you wish. But definitely have a think about that CFP from JCGS, and let me hear back from you on whether you think you’d like to write 2-3 page (or less, or more?) contribution, and the theme you are interested in. Thanks!
Definitely a new posting…